Admiral Blair resigns as intelligence czar, current Pacific special ops chief goes rogue

Adm. Dennis C. Blair has resigned as President Obama's Director of National Intelligence - effective Friday, May 28.

ETAN opposed his nomination because of his actions in 1999, when he served as U.S. Commander in Chief of the Pacific (CINCPAC). At the time,  when he signaled ongoing support to the Indonesian military as they and their militia proxies were harassing and killing pro-independence supporters in the lead-up to East Timor's UN-organized independence referendum. Also see here.

According to news reports, the head of the Special Operations Command Pacific recently went off the reservation in Indonesia. According to the Indonesian press, Rear Admiral Sean A Pybus pledged to TNI Commander General Djoko Santoso normalization of the U.S. relationship with with Indonesia's Kopassus special forces soon.

No so fast, the U.S. Embassy in Jakarta issued a statement clarifying 

that a recent Indonesian media report of an impending restoration of a cooperation between the US armed forces and Indonesian Army Special Forces (Kopassus) was false...The US Government is reviewing its policy on Kopassus but has not yet made a decision,” the press statement said.

Sign the petition opposing U.S.  cooperation with Kopassus

Timorese remind that All Are Responsible for Justice for Serious Crimes

The Timor-Leste National Alliance for an International Tribunal (known by its Tetum initials, ANTI) issued a statement today in the lead up to the May 20 anniversary of the restoration of independence.

Here some excerpts, full statement in English and Tetum is here:

In three days time, the Timorese people will celebrate the anniversary of the restoration of our independence. Though we have been happily celebrating the day with festivities for nine years, a portion of the population is sad on this commemorative day because of wounds that have not healed and still inflict pain. These wounds will not heal while those responsible for them remain free from judicial accountability...  

We ask you all to consider that the demand for justice for Serious Crimes is not just necessary for the Timorese people, it is not for a movement or a group, but it is the responsibility of everyone in this country, of the international community, and particularly of the United Nations. We are conscious that the demand for justice is not just for Timorese people, but is necessary to prevent future Crimes Against Humanity and human rights violations in other countries. For this reason we firmly insist that the time has come to end the chain of impunity for Timor-Leste and for the people in other countries.

Photo from Lao Hamutuk

Congress writes about Kopassus training

Congress of the United States
Washington, DC 20515

May 13, 2010

The Honorable Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary
U.S. Department of State
2201 C Street, N.W.     
Washington, D.C. 20520  

The Honorable Robert M. Gates
Secretary
U.S. Department of Defense Room 3E880,
The Pentagon
Washington, D.C. 20301-1000

Dear Madam Secretary and Mr. Secretary: 

We welcome the Obama Administration's commitment to broaden U.S. engagement in Southeast Asia. The President's upcoming trip to Indonesia is a positive step in strengthening our ties with a key ally and the largest Muslim-majority country in the world. We also appreciate the long-term U.S. interest in engaging with all elements of the Indonesian military. However, we do have serious concerns with the Administration's intention to reengage with Unit 81 of the Indonesian Special Forces, known as Kopassus.

Our concerns relate to the Indonesian military's willingness to cooperate with the United States and Indonesian civilian justice institutions in permanently removing human rights violators from military ranks and in holding senior officers accountable for past abuses. In addition, there are questions about the effectiveness of the vetting process. We understand that discussions with the government of Indonesia have been ongoing and that the Administration is working to resolve these issues before President Obama and President Yudhoyono sign a U.S.-Indonesia Comprehensive Partnership Agreement. However, we are not aware of any significant progress in those discussions.

We understand that the Administration presented the government of Indonesia with certain conditions before a "phased engagement" with Unit 81 can proceed. Information provided by Embassy Jakarta indicates that one of the reported preconditions has already been met - namely, a "public" renunciation by Defense Minister Purnomo Yusgiantoro of past abuses and enumeration of structural reforms still to be enacted to enhance civilian control of the military. Apparently, a Jakarta Post article from March 22, 2010, entitled, "TNI reforms and respect for rights have come a long way," was deemed to have met the reported precondition. However, the Minister's comments were notable for failing to address the issue of past abuses, and the Jakarta Post is written in English and read by only two percent of Indonesia's population.

A subsequent Jakarta Post article from April 16, 2010, entitled "Kopassus chief asks
public to forget its dark past at anniversary celebration," suggests that Kopassus is not ready to take full responsibility for its past. The article quotes Kopassus Major General Lodewijk Paulus, who said the allegations of past rights violations were a "psychological burden" to Kopassus and that the public should "no longer associate" Kopassus with past abuses. We understand similar comments have been made by other TNI officials. Such comments seriously undermine the claim that Kopassus accepts the principle of accountability and is committed to regaining the public's trust and embracing reform.

We would appreciate knowing the specific steps the government of Indonesia, the TNI leadership, and Kopassus have been asked to take prior to engaging with Unit 81. Does the TNI agree to cooperate with civilian investigations and prosecutions of past as well as any future crimes? Which individuals who have been credibly alleged to have violated human rights have you asked to be removed from Kopassus, and how were those individuals identified? Will they be prosecuted? Did you insist that those convicted of abuses be removed from the military entirely, or simply from Kopassus?

We believe a reliable vetting process is critical for identifying Kopassus officials who have violated human rights. Will the commander of Unit 81 and each member of the Unit be vetted and deemed to have a clean record in order for U.S. training to proceed, and how?

Additionally, given the lack of credibility of the military justice system, we believe the transfer of jurisdiction over human rights crimes committed by members of the military to civilian courts should be a pre-condition for engagement with Kopassus. We understand there is currently legislation in the Indonesian Parliament that seeks to do this. The United States should support this effort toward judicial independence, and assurances are needed that credibly alleged violations of human rights will be investigated by civilian authorities with TNT's cooperation. We would also appreciate knowing if it has been conveyed in writing to the government of Indonesia that, should it fail to fulfill the requirements and obligations set out for this "phased engagement," any funding would be suspended.

Finally, we believe that prior consultation with Congress before engagement with Kopassus and an annual review would be necessary to ensure that our assistance meets the requirements of U.S. law and fulfills our broader interests.

We look forward to discussing this with you as we develop closer relations with Indonesia consistent with our commitment to accountability and the rule of law.

Sincerely,

[Please note: party affiliation, state and committee assignments added by ETAN]

HOWARD L. BERMAN U.S. House of Representatives  (D-CA) Chair, Foreign Affairs Committee

JOHN F. KERRY United States Senate (D-MA) Chair, Foreign Relations Committee

NITA LOWEY U.S. House of Representatives (D-NY) Chair, State, Foreign Operations Subcommittee of Appropriations Committee

PATRICK J. LEAHY United States Senate Chair, State, Foreign Operations Subcommittee of Appropriations Committee

CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH House of Representatives, (R-NJ) Ranking Member,
                        
RUSSELL D. FEINGOLD United States Senate(D-WI) Member, Subcommittee on East Asian and Pacific Affairs. Foreign Relations Committee

FRANK R. WOLF U.S. House of Representatives - (R-VA) Co-chair. Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission; Member, Appropriations Committee

ENI F. H. FALEOMAVEGA  U.S. House of Representatives, (D-AS) Chair, Subcommittee on Asia, the Pacific and the Global Environment, Committee on Foreign Affairs

DONALD A. MANZULLO U.S. House of Representatives  (R-IL) Ranking, Subcommittee on Asia, the Pacific and the Global Environment, Committee on Foreign Affairs

JAMES P. MCGOVERN U.S. House of Representatives (D-MA) Co-chair, Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission

JOSEPH CROWLEY  U.S. House of Representatives, (D-NY) Committee on Foreign Affairs

MICHAEL M. HONDA  U.S. House of Representatives  (D-CA) Committee on Appropriations

RUSS CARNAHAN U.S. House of Representatives, (D-MO) Chair, Subcommittee on Asia, the Pacific and the Global Environment, Committee on Foreign Affairs

U.S. Must Not Resume Training Indonesia’s Killers

May 5, 2010

Kristin Sundell

The US Must Not Resume Training Indonesia’s Killers

There is something unnerving about hearing orders for your execution. Even more unnerving is the news that amid reports of continuing killings and abuses, President Barack Obama wants to resume US training for the Indonesian military unit that threatened my life and enjoys impunity in the killings of countless Indonesians and East Timorese.


On Aug. 31, 1999, I was serving as a UN-accredited election monitor in East Timor, which had just voted to end decades of Indonesian military occupation. Referendum day had gone relatively smoothly, in spite of the Indonesian military’s efforts to derail the ballot through terror and intimidation. In the wake of the vote, the armed forces and their Timorese militia proxies moved to implement their fallback plan — drive out international observers and raze East Timor to the ground.


That morning, a Timorese friend rushed to our house and played an intercepted radio conversation among Kopassus, the Special Forces unit of the Indonesian Army, and local militias:


Kopassus: “It is better we wait for the result of the announcement [of the ballot] ... Whether we win or lose, that’s when we’ll react.”


Also Kopassus: “Those white people [referendum observers] ... should be put in the river.”


Militia commander (passing the order): “If they want to leave, pull them out [of their car], kill them and put them in the river.”


Kopassus: “They need to be stopped.”


Militiamen: “It will be done.” “I’ll wipe them out, all of them.” “I’ll eat them up.”


We escaped, hitching a ride with United Nations staff as they evacuated. In the following days, East Timor was nearly destroyed, with 75 percent of its infrastructure demolished and more than a thousand civilians killed.


The Kopassus forces were long recipients of extensive US assistance, as were the rest of the armed forces during the reign of President Suharto.


The US Congress finally acted to curb training for the Indonesian Army in 1992, after it was filmed massacring more than 400 East Timorese as they peacefully demonstrated against the occupation. But training for Kopassus quietly continued at US taxpayer expense and without congressional notification.


Eight years later, Kopassus forces directed the Indonesian military’s campaign to subvert East Timor’s independence vote and to destroy the territory. In response, US president Bill Clinton severed military ties with Indonesia in September 1999.

The administration of former President George W Bush resumed many forms of military assistance in the name of counterterrorism, restoring full military ties in 2005. But training for Kopassus remained off limits because of a 1997 law that barred US training for foreign military units with a history of human-rights violations unless the government in question is taking effective measures to bring those responsible to justice. 

Oppose U.S. cooperation with Kopassus Sign the petition

Now Obama wants to resume training for Kopassus, despite the presence of many soldiers within its ranks who are guilty of severe human-rights violations. After orchestrating the violence in East Timor, the killing of West Papuan traditional leader Theys Eluay and the kidnapping and disappearances of student democracy activists in 1997 and 1998 without adequately holding those responsible to account, Kopassus should clearly be ineligible for US training. When the Bush administration proposed restarting training of Kopassus in 2008, the State Department’s legal counsel ruled that the 1997 law prohibited re-engagement.


And the crimes of Kopassus continue. A recent report by journalist Allan Nairn alleges that Kopassus members helped coordinate an assassination program, authorized by “higher-ups in Jakarta,” targeting members of a political party in Aceh Province. At least eight activists were killed in an attempt to pressure the party not to discuss independence for the province.


The Obama administration says it only wants to train soldiers who were not members of Kopassus at the time of earlier abuses, but this makes no sense in light of the recent killings in Aceh. Restrictions on military assistance provide important leverage for accountability and reform. That’s why Indonesian rights groups support the ban on assistance alongside international organizations such as Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International.


Obama’s family ties and experience living in Indonesia as a boy give him a special connection to Indonesia and its people. Rather than push US training for the military unit that threatened my life, he should support human rights and justice in the nation.

Kristin Sundell served as a UN-accredited observer of East Timor’s vote for independence as part of the International Federation for East Timor Observer Project. She currently lives in Bandung.

more on Kopassus from ETAN's website

May 2010 West Papua Report

The May 2010 West Papua Report, the 72nd in a series of monthly reports that focus on developments affecting Papuans is now out. The series is produced by the West Papua Advocacy Team (WPAT) and co-published with the East Timor and Indonesia Action Network (ETAN). Back issues are posted online at http://etan.org/issues/wpapua/default.htm. The summary is below, full issue is here.
 

Summary

Indonesia's Special Forces (Kopassus) and U.S.-backed Detachment 88 troops joined in an assault on peaceful demonstrators in Manokwari. It is unclear if any of those initial detained remain in custody. The Jakarta Post reports chronic malnutrition among Amungme and Kamoro children who live in the shadow of the massive Freeport McMoran copper and gold mine. A prominent leader of PDI-P has called for creation of truth and reconciliation commissions for Aceh and West Papua. Pressure appears to be building for a military response to dissent in West Papua, including the targeting of NGOs. Leading human rights organizations and churches have called for an end to mistreatment of political prisoners in West Papua and an investigation of security force killing of activists. Indonesian intelligence and special forces are attempting to create a false front organization in Biak to replace a legitimate one established by the local people.