West Papua Report April 2013

West Papua Report April 2013
Challenges in West Papua, New Roads, Military Impunity, Freeport, New Governor, MSG


CONTENTS: This edition of the West Papua Report offers the PERSPECTIVE of a longtime observer of West Papua who recently traveled to the Central Highlands, who reports the growing militarization of the region and the negative impact of that military build up on human rights and in stoking rising communal tensions. In UPDATE we note that the Indonesian military will shortly begin a massive road project which will likely service military rather than Papuan interests. New contract negotiations between the central government and the Freeport-McMoRan mining operation are proceeding absent West Papuan participation and without regard for their interests. The new Governor of Papua province appears not to understand problems of development and security facing the region. Papuans have again called for an end to the presence of the notorious "Special Forces" (Kopassus) in their homeland.  Indonesian and international calls for an end to the impunity accorded Indonesian military leaders and personnel for human rights abuses are growing. That impunity gives license to continuing abuse and criminal activity by the military. WPNCL pressed it case to have West Papua join the Melanesia Support Group at a meeting with Fiji Prime Minister Banimarama. CHRONICLE highlights two first-hand accounts of the Wamena area and a review of Eben Kirksey's Freedom in Entangled Worlds: West Papua and the Architecture of Global Power.

West Papua Report - January 2012

West Papua Report January 2013

The 105th in a series of monthly reports that focus on developments affecting West Papuans. This series is produced by the non-profit West Papua Advocacy Team (WPAT) drawing on media accounts, other NGO assessments, and analysis and reporting from sources within West Papua. This report is co-published with the East Timor and Indonesia Action Network (ETAN). Back issues are posted online at http://www.etan.org/issues/wpapua/default.htm Questions regarding this report can be addressed to Edmund McWilliams at edmcw@msn.com. If you wish to receive the report directly via e-mail, send a note to etan@etan.org. For additional news on West Papua see the reg.westpapua listserv archive or on Twitter.

CONTENTS

This edition's PERSPECTIVE discusses Indonesian presidential aspirant Lt. General (ret) Prabowo dark role in West Papua's past. In the UPDATE section, we review the Indonesian security forces' expanding campaign of violence targeting self-determination advocates associated with the West Papua National Committee (KNPB). We also summarize the implications for human rights of the proposed new "anti-terrorism" law and describe the continuing destruction of pristine forests throughout the Indonesian archipelago. In CHRONICLE: a new Asian Human Rights Commission "alert" about police violence in West Papua, a report by the Alliance of Independent Journalists regarding the rise of threats and violence against journalists, and the Australia West Papua Association Sydney's review of human rights developments in West Papua. This edition also highlights a critique of the Merauke Integrated Food and Energy Estate project (MIFEE) by Indigenous Peoples Organization of Bian Enim.

Read the full issue here


See also West Papua Advocacy Team Urges Unrestricted Visit by UN Special Rapporteur

West Papua Report Feb 2012

Read full report here 

Summary: The trial of five Papuans who led a peaceful demonstration in October 2011 demanding Papuans' right to self determination has begun. There has been no prosecution of security forces who brutally attacked that demonstration, killing at least three peaceful demonstrators and beating scores more. The U.S. State Department called on the Indonesian authorities to ensure due process for those indicted and urged that Indonesia respect its international legal obligations related to the trial. Human Rights Watch, for its part, called for the release of the five Papuans who are being tried under an archaic "subversion" provision of the criminal code. WPAT presents an exclusive report on efforts by the Indonesian special forces, Kopassus, to organize a propaganda campaign on West Papua. The campaign targets the U.S. and other governments for purportedly seeking to exert influence there. In its annual report, Human Rights Watch describes a worsening environment for human rights in West Papua. Reporters without Borders, in another global review, notes the growing threat to journalists in West Papua. The Asian Human Rights Commission reports on new Indonesian security force torture of Papuan civilians. The Indonesian government is colluding with Interpol in an effort to arrest prominent Papuan dissident Benny Wenda. Indonesian joins a number of repressive regimes attempting to use Interpol to silence critics. Jakarta has announced plans for a massive road building scheme in West Papua which will facilitate developers access to virgin forest areas. A revealing report by the Jakarta Globe explores the prevalence of illiteracy among Papuan children, even in urban areas, and notes the central government's persistent failure to provide educational services to Papuans. The Government has again announced plans to create a new Papuan province, a step which will further divert funds from essential services for Papuans.

Contents

• Prosecution of Peaceful Dissent Targets Papuans
• WPAT EXCLUSIVE: Kopassus Organizes Propaganda Offensive Targeting U.S. and others regarding West Papua
• Human Right Watch Describes Worsening Environment for Human Rights in West Papua
• International Journalists Condemns Security Force Targeting of Journalists in West Papua
• Military Officers Arbitrarily Arrest and Torture Civilians Based on False Claims of Rebel Activity
• Interpol Joins Indonesian Effort to Silence Dissident
• Trans-Papua Road Planned
• Jakarta Abuses Papuans through Denial of Essential Services
• Plans Advance to Create Central Papua Province

Obama's Potemkin Visit to Jakarta

Ed McWilliams

Published in December 17 issue of Arena, Australia

by Edmund McWilliams

In early November President Obama indulged himself with a nostalgic visit to the place he called home for four years of his youth. He charmed ordinary Indonesians with formal and informal remarks drawn from recollections of Indonesia of four decades ago. More troublingly, President Obama also praised Indonesians in ways that betrayed a broad ignorance of the ugly reality faced by many in this archipelago today.

Obama made much of the "tolerance" that Indonesian (and US) officials contend the post-Suharto Indonesian governments have fostered within Indonesian society. "Here can be found the ability to bridge divides of race and regions and religions", he said. He described Indonesia as a "country that has figured out how to create a genuine democracy despite great diversity". Obama also commended the triumph of that democracy: "Indonesia has charted its own course through an extraordinary democratic transformation from the rule of an iron fist to the rule of the people". While President Obama can be forgiven a bit of dewy-eyed reminiscing, his false depictions of Indonesia today, presumably shaped by his advisers, are a dangerously unstable basis for US policy formulation.

The Indonesia Obama chose not to see is one of significant social tensions often aggravated by a government and especially a security force which stoke these tensions for political and economic gain. The democratic progress of the last ten years, moreover, has been a victory for the Indonesian people who struggled against a brutal, corrupt military and an unaccountable police system that is a threat to further democratic progress. The real Indonesia was reflected in the interviews I conducted with Indonesians in Jakarta who were not invited to the major events celebrating the US President's brief return.

An activist from the Ahmadiyya sect of Islam described the ongoing assaults targeting that group's several hundred thousand adherents. In recent years mobs have destroyed twenty-seven Ahmadiyya mosques, most recently in the province of Riau on September 27. A video clip of a mosque's destruction shows a mob almost casually attacking the building, eventually destroying its central pillars and causing the massive roof to collapse. At one point a uniformed Indonesian police officer leisurely walks through the video frame, seemingly oblivious to the ongoing violence. Government complicity in this persecution extends beyond security force failure to take action. Indonesian Minister for Religious Affairs Suryadhama Ali recently told the media that the solution to the ongoing strife between the Ahmadiyya and the more traditional Muslims was the banning of the Ahmadiyya sect. His recommendation, which has drawn no rebuke from Indonesian President Yudhoyono, only encourages further thug violence targeting the Ahmadiyya and a continued failure of the security forces to rein in the attackers.

State condoned and executed violence is especially apparent in West Papua, where generations of Papuans have faced extraordinary brutality since the coerced annexation of the land over four decades ago. Tens of thousands of Papuans have been killed by security forces while the surviving Papuan population has been marginalized by government-organized migration of non-Papuans to West Papua. The systematic brutalizing of the Papuans, described in recent testimony before a US House subcommittee as "creeping genocide", was revealed most recently by release of secret Indonesian military documents. These documents, which surfaced during the Obama visit on the blog of investigative journalist Alan Nairn, show that Indonesian special forces (Kopassus) targeted leading church and other civil society and government leaders for intelligence collection, intimidation and worse. The importance of these documents lies in their revelation that criminal human rights abuse by the special forces targeting Papuans is not simply a matter of individual security personnel operating outside regulations as is regularly claimed by the Indonesian government and US officials. Rather, the documents make clear that the beating and torture of individual Papuans constitutes a military policy that ignores internationally recognized civil and political rights and Indonesian law. The documents together constittute a doctrine that has been funded and implemented, requiring approval at senior level and thereby implicating senior military leaders.

President Obama meets with President Yudhoyono at the Istana Merdeka State Palace Complex in Jakarta, Nov. 9, 2010.
(Official White House Photo by Pete Souza)

Two weeks before Obama's arrival in Jakarta, other indisputable evidence of security force brutality in West Papua surfaced. Video footage of the torture of two Papuans and the beating of villagers by security forces shocked the international community. While the beating was perpetrated by regular military personnel (Kontras), it remains unclear what forces carried out the torture. Possible culprits include the national police mobile brigade (Brimob) and the US and Australian sponsored "Detachment 88". Detachment 88, purportedly an anti-terror unit, was involved in the December 2009 murder of Papuan rebel figure Kelly Kwalik, who bled to death from a leg wound while in the organisation's custody (see Carmel Budiardjo's article in Arena Magazine no. 106). NGOs and journalists have reliably reported Detachment 88's use of torture in Maluku, Poso and Aceh. It is also possible that the torturers in the video were from either the civilian or military intelligence agencies, both of which operate widely in West Papua. President Obama's silence on these breaking stories disappointed but did not surprise human rights advocates in Indonesia.

The Obama administration, like its predecessors, has been reluctant to publicly acknowledge either ongoing security force abuses in West Papua or these forces' unaccountability. The Indonesian government was clearly troubled by the surfacing of the torture videos on the eve of President Obama's and Prime Minister Gillard's visits. President Yudhoyono convened his senior ministers, and a government spokesperson assured there would be a prompt military investigation. Calls by Papuans and other human rights advocates for an independent investigation were ignored. On November 5 army personnel faced a judge in Jayapura; senior military officials told the media that the tribunal was convened to hold the perpetrators of the video abuses accountable. In a classic bait and switch, the military produced for trial not those responsible for the torture but rather the troops depicted beating villagers. The identity of the torturers remains unknown. In one respect, it appears the government demonstrated both alacrity and sophistication in responding to the surfacing of the torture videos. Within days of the videos appearing on the internet, five major NGOs who carried the footage on their websites suffered simultaneous cyber attacks. Analysts assessed that the coordinated attack could only have been the work of a government, or government agencies with substantial resources. US officials have yet to comment on either the bait and switch trial or the cyber attack.

President Obama's limited travel within Jakarta was carefully crafted to obscure a reality that his public comments carefully ignored. He did not see a march by thousands of labor supporters who were protesting new proposed labor legislation that would impede workers' right to organize, to obtain insurance or to press for a minimum wage. Nor did he see the extraordinary wealth gap between rich and poor Indonesians. While he marveled at the gleaming skyscrapers that dominate the Jakarta landscape, he did not see the filthy hovels that crowd beneath them and along the city's canals, where millions of Indonesians survive without access to adequate food, health care or education. Notwithstanding the manifest non-egalitarian nature of Indonesia's economy, Obama congratulated the nation's leaders that in Indonesia "development and democracy reinforce one another". In reality, development continues to be at the expense of democratization, much as it was during the three decades of Suharto dictatorship. Indonesian human rights advocates and journalists describe an endemic atmosphere of intimidation enforced by security forces which collude with major domestic and international firms bent on "development" of the archipelago's vast natural resources and enormous labor pool. Those who report on corrupt dealings or the destruction of the environment are subjected to physical or threatened abuse targeting them and their families. A journalist in Papua who reported critically on plans for a massive agriculture plantation that will dispossess local people was found murdered earlier this summer. Human rights advocates who reveal security force brutality suffer similar threats, and both often fall victim to legal suits which employ Indonesia's notoriously corrupt judicial system as a weapon in service of commercial and security forces interests. Usman Hamid, a prominent human rights advocate and former director of the key human rights advocacy group Kontras, is facing a legal suit alleging defamation. The false charge arose as a result of his determined pursuit of justice in the murder of his predecessor at Kontras, the renowned Munir Said Talib.

Ignoring the reality of security forces that operate brutally and without accountability before the law, the Obama administration is expanding financial, equipment and training assistance to those forces. After a decade of withholding assistance to the Indonesian special forces, the Obama administration announced in July that it was resuming collaboration with the organization, notwithstanding its repression of Papuans and lengthy record of human rights abuse throughout the archipelago. The administration is also continuing assistance to Detachment 88, which has been credibly accused by human rights groups and the media of torture, beatings and kidnappings.

The US government's willingness to co-operate with security forces that continue to commit human rights abuses, operate illegally and remain unaccountable was enshrined in the "comprehensive partnership" signed by Obama and Yudhoyono. US support for security forces that threaten human rights and democratic development is born of blindness to the reality of current day Indonesia. President Obama's brief visit only reinforced a deliberate misperception by US policy makers of Indonesia's complex and growing challenges.

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It needs and deserves your support." - Ed McWilliams

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35th Anniversary of U.S.-backed Indonesian Invasion of East Timor

Today, December 7, 2010, marks the 35th anniversary of the U.S.-backed Indonesian invasion of East Timor. On the 30th anniversary of Indonesia's full-scale assault on Timor, ETAN

"called on the world to listen to East Timor’s victims and act on their demands for justice. The group also urged the United States government to formally acknowledge its past support for Indonesia’s brutal military occupation of East Timor, and for the international community to learn from this history and never repeat the same crimes."

December 7 invasion day, via Timor Archives

It is well-documented that the Indonesian military launched its 1975 invasion just hours after then President Ford and Secretary of State Henry Kissinger gave their explicit permission to go ahead. They reassured Suharto that U.S. military support would continue, despite U.S. law and Indonesia's treaty obligations. U.S. weapons, military training and political support enabled Indonesia to seize the territory and maintain its occupation for 24 years. These brutal events claimed the lives of up to 200,000 people.

The report of Timor-Leste's Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation (known by its Portuguese initials, CAVR) thoroughly documents the impact of the Indonesia's illegal invasion and occupation.
While the report was long ago officially delivered to the U.S. and other governments, the CAVR's recommendations to the international community remain largely ignored. anniversary. Despite being urged to do so, President Obama did not address these issues during his recent visit to Jakarta.

Kopassus troops

We continue to urge the U.S. government and Congress to seriously respond to the report by holding hearings and formally acknowledge the U.S. role in the suffering of the East Timorese and Indonesian peoples. The U.S. and others who backed Indonesia should apologize and provide reparations. The U.S. should work to establish an international tribunal to try those most responsible the heinous crimes committed in Timor-Leste from 1975-1999 and withhold support for Indonesia's security forces especially their most brutal units - including Kopassus, as recommended by the CAVR to encourage genuine accountability and promote reform. These forces continue to terrorize the people of West Papua.

We highlight some of the CAVR's  most pertinent recommendations after the jump.

West Papua Report - December 2010

now out here

Summary:

During his November 9-10 visit to Indonesia, President Obama and President Yudhoyono unveiled a "comprehensive partnership" that strongly reflects Washington's traditional perception of Indonesia as a platform servicing U.S. security and commercial interests. A key element of the "partnership," broadened security ties, comes at the expense of human rights and democratization which are under growing threat from corrupt and unaccountable Indonesian security forces. Secret Kopassus documents released by investigative journalist Alan Nairn reveal that the targeting of senior members of Papuan civil society is official policy, approved at senior levels. Papuans used the occasion of President Obama's visit to protest the denial of self determination and the continuing devastation of local resources by the U.S. mining giant Freeport McMoran. Journalists have complained loudly over Indonesian government subterfuge regarding the trial purportedly of security personnel involved in the torture of Papuans. On December 1, Papuans and their supporters in West Papua and in cities around the world celebrated the day in 1961 when the Papuans declared their independence from Dutch colonial rule. A late November visit to West Papua by President Yudhoyono and many members of his cabinet failed to address long-standing Papuan concerns. A statement by an Indonesian military leader indicates military intent to deepen already substantial military involvement in commercial activities in West Papua.

ETAN - and the peoples of East Timor and Indonesia - Will Miss Senator Feingold

When Wisconsin Sen. Russ Feingold lost his re-election bid Nov. 2, it didn’t only sadden U.S. progressives. The people of East Timor and Indonesia lost a strong ally in their struggle for democracy.

In late 1992, as Feingold was campaigning to join the U.S. Senate, East Timor suffered perhaps its most infamous massacre. The occupying Indonesian military fired on a peaceful pro-independence protest, killing more than 270 people. While the massacre received international attention -- thanks to the presence of Western journalists, including Amy Goodman and Allan Nairn -- East Timor remained an obscure issue in the United States.

But, half a world away, Feingold took notice.

Throughout his 18 years in office, Feingold remained a stalwart and effective advocate for a just U.S. foreign policy. He maintained restrictions on arms sales and military training for Indonesia.

In his first year in the Senate, Feingold, a Democrat, authored an amendment to place human rights conditions on arms sales to Indonesia. The amendment unanimously passed the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. This shocked Indonesian officials, who had for decades been able to count on the U.S. government eagerly providing military equipment while turning a blind eye to its brutal use against Timorese and Indonesian civilians.

Throughout his 18 years in office, Feingold remained a stalwart and effective advocate for a just U.S. foreign policy. He maintained restrictions on arms sales and military training for Indonesia. After a broad-based pro-democracy movement ousted Indonesian dictator Suharto in 1998, Feingold pushed the Clinton administration and Congress to ensure that political prisoners were freed, the military was reformed and civic institutions were fostered. Feingold supported East Timor’s referendum for independence in 1999, and repeatedly called for the Indonesian government and military officials responsible for serious crimes there to be held responsible. He has also raised concerns about continuing military abuses in Papua, a region with an independence movement and a history similar to East Timor.

More recently, Feingold cautioned both the Bush and Obama administrations on their rush to engage Indonesia in the “war on terror.” As the world’s most populous Muslim nation, and one where moderate forms of Islam predominate, Indonesia took on new importance for the United States following the 9/11 attacks. The United States’ relationship with Indonesia must be “aimed at fighting terrorism while supporting that country’s recent democratization,” Feingold wrote after visiting Indonesia in 2006.

You might think that President Obama, who visited Indonesia the week after the U.S. midterm elections, would agree. After all, Obama spent part of his childhood there and lamented, in his memoir “The Audacity of Hope,” that the U.S. negatively affected Indonesia by encouraging “tyranny, corruption and environmental degradation when it served our interests.”

Sadly, the U.S. hasn’t followed Feingold’s advice. Last summer, the Obama administration announced that the United States would work with Kopassus, the Indonesian military’s notorious special forces. Kopassus troops routinely engaged in torture, rape and murder in East Timor, “disappeared” Indonesian student activists, and killed a prominent Papuan leader, among other atrocities. Providing U.S. training to Kopassus “would undermine the goal of creating a professional military … that upholds human rights norms,” warned Feingold when the Bush administration considered engaging Kopassus.

For all his leadership on Southeast Asia issues, Feingold didn’t become a media darling, fill his campaign coffers or otherwise win broad acclaim. He helped the people of East Timor and Indonesia simply because it was the right thing to do. That’s what makes him a remarkable public servant and a wonderful human being.

We in the U.S. -- and our sisters and brothers around the world -- will sorely miss him.

Diane Farsetta is the coordinator of the Madison chapter of the East Timor Action Network. She is a former Field Organizer for national ETAN.

Secret Documents Reveal Kopassus Targets Papuan Churches Civilans

Allan Nairn, ETAN on Democracy Now!

President Obama arrived in Indonesia today on the second stop of a 10-day trip to Asia. It’s Obama’s first state visit to Indonesia after having lived there for four years as a child. Democracy Now! speaks with Jakarta-based investigative journalist and activist Allan Nairn, who has just released secret documents from Kopassus—the feared Indonesian special forces—which has been responsible for human rights abuses since the 1950s. Earlier this year, the Obama administration lifted a 12-year ban on funding the training of Kopassus. While Obama talks about human rights, the documents indicate that Kopassus targets churches and civilians and includes a Kopassus enemies list topped by a local Baptist minister in West Papua. We also speak with John Miller, the National Coordinator of East Timor and Indonesia Action Network

Also from Allan Nairn's blog: Secret Files Show Kopassus, Indonesia's Special Forces, Targets Papuan Churches, Civilians. Documents Leak from Notorious US-Backed Unit as Obama Lands in Indonesia

West Papua Advocacy Team: Open Letter to President Obama on The Eve of His Visit to Indonesia

November 4, 2010

Dear President Obama,

The West Papua Advocacy Team welcomes your upcoming visit to Indonesia as an opportunity to deepen U.S.-Indonesia ties and to encourage further democratic progress in Indonesia. This progress has been impressive in the decade since the overthrow of the Suharto dictatorship and has facilitated the expansion of U.S. cooperation with this important nation.

Critical to Indonesia's democratization is the expansion of respect for human rights. However, respect for human rights -- and democratic progress more generally -- continue to face threats from security forces that continue to evade full civilian control and remain largely unaccountable before Indonesia's flawed judicial system.

However, respect for human rights -- and democratic progress more generally -- continue to face threats from security forces that continue to evade full civilian control and remain largely unaccountable before Indonesia's flawed judicial system.

The United States maintains significant influence with Indonesian military, due in large measure to the Indonesian military's long-standing desire for U.S. training and equipment.  It is imperative that your administration employ this influence as leverage to promote the full subordination of the Indonesian military to civilian control and accountability before the law. The recent decision to renew contact with the notorious Indonesian Special Forces (Kopassus) and continued U.S. support for Detachment 88 ignore numerous credible reports of human rights abuse and unaccountability before the law by both organizations.
This policy of support for Indonesian forces acting criminally and with impunity sabotages the courageous efforts by Indonesian NGOs and citizens, who often face intimidation as they work to secure fundamental reform of all the Indonesian security forces.

Nowhere in the Indonesian archipelago is military insubordination, corruption, abusive behavior and unaccountability more on display than in West Papua, where the military continues to operate in a manner that reflects the rules and practices fostered under the Suharto dictatorship. Papuan human rights activists face  intimidation, arrest, torture and extra-judicial execution.

Recent video evidence of Indonesian security force employment of torture targeted against Papuan civilians, continued security force involvement in illegal activities including unlicensed logging, prostitution and extortion, reveal rogue state forces bent on repression and the plundering of Papuan resources.

Recently, the international community has been shocked by graphic video footage of Indonesian security personnel torturing Papuan civilians. Less than ten days before your scheduled arrival in Jakarta a cyber attack was launched against international websites that carried the video. The resources required for such an attack indicate that elements within the Indonesian government were behind it. This is in line with determined Indonesian government efforts to prevent the international community from monitoring developments in West Papua.

Also in recent weeks, Indonesian security forces destroyed the Papuan village of Bigiragi. For decades, especially in the Puncak Jaya region, security force "sweeping operations" have driven villagers into the surrounding mountains and forests where hundreds have died due to lack of access to food, medical care and adequate shelter. Security force refusal to allow humanitarian relief to these displaced civilians has exacerbated their plight.

WPAT: Torture video reveals "Indonesia's Abu Ghraib" on eve of Obama visit

UPDATE: Interview with Ed McWilliams on Radio Australia's Connect Asia program

Contact: Ed McWilliams (WPAT) +1-575-648-2078

October 19, 2010 - A new video shows the torture of helpless men in the Indonesian-ruled territory of West Papua. Monitoring groups are already describing the footage as "Indonesia's Abu Ghraib." The video reveals indisputably Indonesian security force brutality, and raises serious questions about the Obama administration's decision to embrace cooperation with Indonesian security forces engaged in active and ongoing torture.

The video, available at ; http://material.ahrchk.net/video/AHRC-VID-012-2010-Indonesia.html is the second in recent months to offer graphic footage of Indonesian security force torture of Papuans. In it, a Papuan man is held to the ground while a hot stick, still smoldering from a fire, is held against his genitals. A plastic bag is wrapped around his head several times, a rifle held against him. Another man has a large knife held against him while he pleads: "I'm just an ordinary civilian, please..." One of his interrogators responds: "I'll cut your throat... Do not lie, I will kill you! Burn the penis!" The video appears to have been taken on the cell phone of one interrogator.

Still from video via Sydney Morning Herald

Thanks to the courage of Papuan human rights advocates in the face of harsh security measures designed to silence them, the world periodically has been witness to the harsh rule of West Papua. In the past, the faith in international justice and humanity demonstrated by these courageous Papuans has been betrayed by the international community's deference to the Indonesian government's insistence that neither its course nor rule there not be challenged. Numerous governments have placed the territorial integrity of Indonesia and the desire to support its democratization process first. In the process, however, they have abandoned what could have been constructive efforts to uphold human rights in West Papua, which continue to be systematically violated.

Geopolitical and commercial goals led the U.S. government to ignore Suharto dictatorship atrocities  targeting its own people and the people of East Timor for decades. President Bill Clinton acknowledged this when East Timor gained its independence in 2002, saying : "I don't believe America or any of the other countries were sufficiently sensitive in the beginning and for a long time, a long time before 1999, going all the way back to the '70s, to the suffering of the people of East Timor." It was the suffering of the people of East Timor that led to Congress deciding tosuspend military cooperation with Indonesia.

The system of security force rule and repression of peaceful dissent has been dismantled in much of Indonesia, but the same security system and the same systematic human rights violations continue in West Papua today. Such stopgap solutions as "special autonomy" have been clearly rejected by the Papuan people. Despite the continued human rights violations, the Obama administration has continued the Bush administration's policy of support to the Indonesian security forces. It has continued support to the Indonesian military through the IMET program, and support through the Anti-Terror Assistance Program to the notorious Detachment 88 of the Indonesian National Police, credibly accused of torture and other rights violations. It has resumed cooperation with the Indonesian special forces (Kopassus) notwithstanding that unit's  decades-old record of human rights abuse including recent, credible accounts of brutality targeting Papuan civilians.  In so doing the Obama Administration, like its predecessors, has wittingly or unwittingly made itself complicit in the repression now underway in West Papua.

The United States, under President John F. Kennedy, was responsible for the transfer of West Papua to Indonesian rule. In that act, the United States made itself co-responsible for the outcome of its actions. Successive administrations have not been sufficiently sensitive to the ongoing human rights violations, including torture to this day, which resulted from Indonesian rule.

President Obama's upcoming visit to Indonesia offers an opportunity to end the silence on West Papua, and to craft new policies that advance human rights rather than lending support to human rights violators. Information about the ongoing human rights violations in West Papua was
heard on September 22 by the House of Representatives Sub-committee on Asia, the Pacific.

The Obama administration should:

• Insist upon an investigation and prosecution of those who recently tortured Papuans in Puncak Jaya
• Seek an investigation by relevant United Nations human rights rapporteurs of this and other instances of torture in West Papua
• Suspend cooperation with Indonesian security forces accused of systematic human rights violations, including Detachment 88 and the Brimob (Mobile Brigade) of the National Police and the Indonesian special forces (Kopassus)
• Call for full and open access for journalists, humanitarian assistance personnel including the International Committee of the red Cross and other international monitors to all of West Papua
• Seek meetings between President Obama and Papuan human rights and civil society leaders during his visit to Indonesia
• Call upon the Indonesian government to carry out an internationally facilitated, senior-level dialogue process with Papuan officials and civil society designed to resolve the Papuan conflict peacefully, as was done in Aceh province

This releasee is also posted on ETAN's website at  http://etan.org/news/2010/10video.htm

see also

• West Papua Report
  
• House of Representatives: Crimes Against Humanity: When Will Indonesia's Military Be Held Accountable for Deliberate and Systematic Abuses in West Papua
• ETAN: Guide to U.S. Security Assistance to Indonesia and East Timor
• ETAN/WPAT: Suspend Training and Funding of Indonesian Police Unit Detachment 88
• ETAN Condemns U.S. Plan to Get Back in Bed with Indonesia's Kopassus Killers
• WPAT: Statement Regarding the U.S. Government's Decision to Resume Cooperation with Indonesian Special Forces (Kopassus)
• Background on Kopassus and Brimob

Call to Suspend Training and Funding of Indonesian Police Unit Detachment 88

Contact: John M. Miller (ETAN) +1-718-596-7668

Ed McWilliams (WPAT) +1-575-648-2078

September 29, 2010 - The East Timor and Indonesia Action Network (ETAN) and West Papua Advocacy Team (WPAT) today urged that the U.S. government to suspend all funding and training of Indonesia's Detachment 88 police unit pending review of charges leveled against the unit for systemic human rights violations, including use of torture.

"U.S. funding and training should not go to a security force that has repeatedly and credibly been charged with human rights violations including torture of those engaged in peaceful dissent," said WPAT's Ed McWilliams.

"Indonesian authorities have consistently failed to prosecute Detachment 88 personnel for these widely reported abuses," he added.

"Detachment 88 has been funded and trained by the U.S. from its inception. With that history, how can anyone believe that U.S. assistance will improve the human rights behavior of other units, like Kopassus," said John M. Miller, National Coordinator of ETAN.

"While the reported withdrawal of Detachment 88 from the province of Maluku will end its persecution of peaceful protesters there, we are concerned that the unit will continue to operate in West Papua," said McWilliams. "We urge the Indonesian government to stop treating pro-independence activists as terrorists and to deal with the underlying issues."

Indonesian and international non-governmental organizations and media regularly report on the counter-terrorism police unit's brutal methods, including torture against nonviolent protesters and suspects.

In addition to suspending assistance to Detachment 88, ETAN and WPAT urge:

a) that the U.S. Government urge the Indonesian government to investigate credible charges of human rights violations and other illegal activity by Detachment 88 personnel and to prosecute these personnel as necessary;

b) that the U.S. Government review its own procedures for providing funding to foreign security units to ensure that in the future all credible reports of human rights violations and other illegal activity by these units are promptly and thoroughly investigated by U.S. officials to ensure that U.S. funds and other forms of assistance are not used to support such activities;

c) that the U.S. Government review its "vetting" procedures which is supposed to ensure that no personnel involved in human rights violations or other illegal activity are members of units receiving U.S. government assistance.

Background

Detachment 88 (Densus 88) was created by the Indonesian government statement in 2003 with the assistance and encouragement of the U.S. Government. The U.S. State Department's Diplomatic Security Services used funds appropriated under the Anti-Terror Assistance Program to support the initiative, which was in response to the 2002 Bali bombings. In addition to providing funding for the unit, the U.S. government has trained its personnel, drawing on the resources of various agencies.

Though the unit has drawn praise for its successful actions against small numbers of militants, it has also gained a reputation for brutality in its more than 500 arrests, including allegations of torture.

The unit has increasingly been used by the Indonesian government in its suppression of separatist activities around the country. In 2007, Detachment 88 members arrested and tortured 22 civilians after they unfurled the Maluku independence flag in front of Indonesia's President. Yusuf Sipakoly, who in 2007 was sentenced to 12 years for possessing a "separatist flag" recently died in prison. He had told the Sydney Morning Herald: "I was tied with nylon [by the Detachment 88 officers] and my head was covered with a bucket," he said. "Then they started beating me until I urinated in my underwear..."


The Herald also reported that the United States had secretly banned some Detachment 88 members in Maluku from receiving assistance in May 2008 because of concerns over human rights violations. However, abuses continued. In August 2010, 12 activists were allegedly detained and tortured at the hands of Detachment 88 members. The activists had planned to "to float dozens of the distinctive rainbow flags attached to helium-filled balloons during Ambon's Sail Banda regatta" which Indonesias President planned to attend. Following an outcry, the unit was disbanded in Maluku in September, but the unit's commander Brig. General Tito Karnavian has said that the unit will stay in Papua.

In April 2010, members of Detachment 88 detained 28 West Papuan activists for organizing a peaceful demonstration in Manokwari. Some of these detainees were sentenced to three and three and a half years in prison for talking about freedom and for holding a Morning Star Flag. In December 2009, Detachment 88 personnel shot Papuan independence figure Kelly Kwalik, allowing him to bleed to death without medical intervention. On October 18, 2007, the prominent Papuan human rights lawyer Iwanggin Sabar Olif was arrested by Detachment 88 on charges of "incitement of hatred and rebellion," after forwarding a text message to colleagues criticizing the Indonesian President and military. The U.S. reportedly provided Detachment 88 with the technical capacity and other support to intercept SMS and possibly other messages among civilians.

The U.S. government has paid for training costs, instructors' salaries, weapons and wire tapping devices. For example, as of late 2005 Washington had provided at least $12 million for Detachment 88 for training an initial 400 officers. Australia has also provided substantial aid to the unit. In 2004, Australia pledged US$35 million over five years for Indonesia to build a training center.

One Indonesian legislator has warned that "We have to be really careful about [Detachment 88] because we don't want anyone to turn the clock back to the old days when Kopassus got training in the U.S. and tortured their own people when they're back home.''

The Indonesian government has recently announced the creation of an umbrella organization, the National Antiterrorism Agency (BNPT), to coordinate the actions of the National Police, especially Detachment 88, the Indonesian military, the State Intelligence Agency, and the Ministry of Religious Affairs. There are concerns that this new agency's scope will broaden to target to not just terrorism suspects but "separatist" activists as well, as well as deepen the military's controversial internal security role.

The National Police have now put Detachment 88 under direct control of the National Police chief, General Bambang Hendarso Danuri. Over the weekend Danuri said "Please understand that our officers, particularly those of Densus 88, have never violated human rights in the course of their duty."

ETAN was formed in 1991 to advocate for self-determination for occupied East Timor. The U.S.-based organization continues to advocate for democracy, justice and human rights for Timor-Leste and Indonesia. For more information, see ETAN's web site: http://www.etan.org. The West Papua Advocacy Team produces the monthly West Papua Report.

US-Jakarta ties 'threat to Papua,' threat to rights

"No military aid without justice!!!" says the banner at a protest opposing renewed assistance to Kopassus at the U.S. Embassy. Mugiyanto, who was kidnapped in 1998, tells Al Jazeera that by training Kopassus the "U.S. is legitimizing impunity in Indonesia, that the U.S. is accepting the fact that impuniy prevails, that the perpetrators of human rights violations are not yet held accountable..."


Papuan political prisoner Filep Karma tells Al Jazeera, that renewing military co-operation between the US and Indonesia will only leave the Indonesian military "better equipped to commit their murders." 

Secretary of Defense Gates Goes to Jakarta Bearing Kopassus Gift

UPDATE: See ETAN's media release here

ETAN is disgusted to learn that while Secretary of  Defense Robert Gates was in Jakarta, he announced that U.S. will for the first time since 1998 provide training for Indonesia's notorious Kopassus special forces. This can only undermine reform and violate the Leahy Law, which prohibits military assistance to units with unresolved human rights violations. Kopassus has failed to reform and officers accused of the human rights crimes continue to serve with unit. While Gates spoke of  future changes, he did not mention accountability for past human rights crimes. While Gates met with Indonesia's Defense Minister Purnomo Yusgiantoro, news and other reports do not say whether or not Gates met with his deputy, former Kopassus;General Sjafrie Sjamsuddin, who has been barred from travel to the U.S. because of his history of human rights violations.

As ETAN said in March:

Training Kopassus will set back efforts to achieve accountability for past and recent human rights violations and will do little or nothing to discourage future crimes."

As we were learning about the Gates announcement, I was tracking down photos of torture during Indonesia's illegal occupation of East Timor (Timor-Leste) for an author with a book coming out soon. While the exact circumstances of the photos I was looking at are not known (they were taken by TNI soldiers and then bought or taken by the resistance), I have no doubt that Kopassus soldiers were involved in these or similar rights violations. None of these soldiers have been brought to justice for these and other human rights crimes.

Secretary Gates and President Yudhoyono meet, Jakarta, Indonesia, July 22, 2010. DoD photo by Cherie Cullen

 In his statement after bringing the news to President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, Gates said

I was pleased to be able to tell the president that as a result of Indonesian military reforms over the past decade... the United States will begin a gradual, limited program of security cooperation activities with the Indonesian Army Special Forces.

I noted to the president that these initial steps will take place within the limits of U.S. law and do not signal any lessening of the importance we place on human rights and accountability. What's more, our ability to expand upon these initial steps will depend upon continued implementation of reforms within Kopassus and TNI as a whole.'

However, there is no evidence that international assistance has ever improved the behavior of the Indonesian military. Just ask the hundreds of thousands people and their relatives, who were killed, tortured, disappeared, and raped in East Timor, Aceh, West Papua and elsewhere while the U.S. was most engaged with Indonesia's security forces.

Poengky Indarti from Imparsial told Reuters,

We regret this development very much. Until now, the perpetrators of past human rights abuses in East Timor, Aceh and Papua are still free. There is still impunity in the Indonesian military, especially in Kopassus." 

She added "We are confused about the position of Barack Obama. Is he pro-human rights or not?"

In May, a number of senior members of Congress wrote Secretary Gates raised a number of concerns about any plan to train Kopassus members.

ETAN is available for media comment on the announcement. Contact 718-596-7668 or 917-690-4391.

more to come

Even the Pentagon...

Newsweek writes that "Even the Pentagon, which cut ties to the Indonesian military after massacres in East Timor two decades ago, was pushing for renewed links including increased U.S. assistance for Kopassus, the Indonesian special forces." 

Even the Pentagon! When did they ever support not training Kopassus?

Congress and the administration (in response to Congressional pressure) first cut IMET military training in 1992. The Pentagon did everything it could to resist and undermine that policy. In 1998, the East Timor Action Network, journalist Allan Nairn, and members of Congress released documents that showed that the Pentagon had continued training under a program (JCET) not explicitly banned by legislation, defying Congressional intent not to further the skills of a military brutalizing people in East Timor and elsewhere. Kopassus were the shock troops of this repression. JCET then ended in mid-exercise as the Suharto dictatorship was in its death throes.

Training Kopassus remains a really bad idea, and the U.S. should not indulge Indonesia by resuming training. It will only further stall efforts in Indonesia and East Timor to hold them accountable for past and recent human rights violations. 

Training will only embolden unreformed elements of the military and clearly won't discourage future crimes.

Sign the petition opposing U.S. cooperation with Kopassus

see also ETAN's Guide to U.S. Security Assistance to Indonesia and East Timor

Japan to engage Kopassus?

ETAN has learned that Japan may intensify cooperation with Indonesia's notorious special forces troops. This is something the U.S. still refuses to do, because of Congressional opposition among other reasons. This is an issue that ETAN has long been working on.

Japan's military commander Gen. Ryoichi Oriki visited the Kopassus headquarters on June 2, 2010. The Kopassus put the visit on their home page with a photo. 

Gen. Ryoichi Oriki greets Kopassus commander Maj. Gen. Danjen Lodewijk F. Paulus.

If anyone has more information about Japanese cooperation with the Indonesian military, especially Kopassus, let us know.

New Kopassus Number 2 helped form militia in East Timor in 1999

The TNI has promoted U.S.-trained Col. Widyotomo Nugroho to Deputy Commander of Kopassus. Nugroho took IMET courses in intelligence. 

The Masters of Terror (MOT), which mispells his name as Wioyotomo Nugroho, says he served as SGI intelligence head in 1998 and possibly early 1999 in East Timor, where took "an active role in setting up the militia," SGI centers served as torture houses during the Indonesian occupation.

James Dunn in a report to the UN wrote that Nugroho "exercised a key responsibility in the TNI/militia command structure and his role be much worse than 23 years ago.’ Militia witnesses allege that he issued orders to kill. Is accused of sexual attack on Timorese woman.'

Allan Nairn told the U.S. Congress on September 30, 1999, that "Nugroho, who was the on the ground coordinator for the militias in the initial months of their operation," was a graduate "of U.S. IMET and intelligence training." 

This is the complete MOT entry follows

KontraS's Usman Hamid on assistance to Kopassus and the Indonesian military

Usman Hamid, coordinator for the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (KontraS),  has published an op-ed in the Jakarta Post, "No justice, no aid to Kopassus!" He wrote that "restoring assistance would be seen as Washington’s 'green light' for further military impunity in Indonesia. Such a policy threatens the hopes of democracy and justice in Indonesia."

If the US does restore all aid to Kopassus, without concrete and meaningful preconditions, it would be a disaster for Indonesian human rights. Aid which is not meant just for Kopassus, but also for the TNI, the State Intelligence Agency, and the Ministry of Defense should be carefully tailored to exert maximum pressure to put structural reforms in place that can ensure accountability and civilian control.

He continues:

Accountability for past crimes is not a separate question from military professionalism and human rights protection in present-day Indonesia. Kopassus has been implicated in major crimes such as the Wamena tortures in 2001 and the assassination of Papuan leader Theys Eluay in 2001, as well as recent reports of the assassination of Aceh political activists in 2009. These occurred under democratic governments, precisely because Kopassus has never been held accountable.

Vetting is not the answer.

The Obama administration has indicated that it only intends to give aid to officers and soldiers who have passed human rights “vetting”. But this procedure only operates on an individual basis, and does so ineffectively. It is not possible to know the names of all these who have pulled the trigger, and, in any case, the disappearances, tortures and murders are not the result of individual soldiers running amok.

Sign the petition opposing U.S.  cooperation with Kopassus

West Papua Report - June 2010

West Papua Report June 2010

This is the 73rd in a series of monthly reports that focus on developments affecting Papuans. This series is produced by the non-profit West Papua Advocacy Team (WPAT) drawing on media accounts, other NGO assessments, and analysis and reporting from sources within West Papua. This report is co-published with the East Timor and Indonesia Action Network (ETAN) Back issues are posted online at http://etan.org/issues/wpapua/default.htm

Summary
The West Papua Advocacy Team editorially notes that Papuans are welcoming the June visit of President Obama to Indonesia with the hope that the administration will seek to build a new U.S.-Indonesian relationship not based on military and commercial interests but rather founded on common respect for human rights and democracy. That hope fuels Papuan beliefs that such a transformation in the U.S. perspective could bring about fundamental change in their plight, an increasingly desperate situation in which the U.S. is historically complicit. 


A military ultimatum to a rebel leader in the Papuan central highlands and thus far small scale military operations there are raising fears of a massive "sweeping operation" when the ultimatum expires in June. Initial reports indicate that operations may have begun ramping up at the end of May. In the past such operations have uprooted thousands of civilians and led to many civilian deaths.


Leading U.S. legislators have strongly cautioned the U.S. administration against resuming training and other assistance to the Indonesian Special Forces (Kopassus). Those forces are among the most prominent violators of human rights, especially in West Papua. Also in the U.S. Congress, Congressman Patrick Kennedy has launched a resolution in the U.S. Congress which expresses the sense of the House of Representatives regarding the human crisis facing Papuans. The resolution, now gaining support in the U.S. House of Representatives, calls on the Government of Indonesia to address human rights concerns, including the abuse of detainees.


An editorial by a senior official in Human Rights Watch has again called attention to extraordinary abuse of prisoners in West Papua and decried the unaccountability of the abusers. Indonesian authorities have again prevented international journalists from documenting peaceful civil dissent in West Papua. An Amnesty International report is strongly critical of the Indonesian government's continued repression of dissent noting in particular the use of torture against peaceful demonstrators. The Indonesian government is moving forward with plans for a massive "food estate" in the Merauke area of West Papua. The plan has drawn strong criticism from Papuan and international observers concerned that the government-organized in-migration of very large numbers of non-Papuans to work in the estate will further marginalize Papuans, amounting to what could be described as creeping genocide. Environmentalists have also voiced concern about the destruction of vast stretches of forest and peatland which will significantly increase carbon emissions.


Full report here

Admiral Blair resigns as intelligence czar, current Pacific special ops chief goes rogue

Adm. Dennis C. Blair has resigned as President Obama's Director of National Intelligence - effective Friday, May 28.

ETAN opposed his nomination because of his actions in 1999, when he served as U.S. Commander in Chief of the Pacific (CINCPAC). At the time,  when he signaled ongoing support to the Indonesian military as they and their militia proxies were harassing and killing pro-independence supporters in the lead-up to East Timor's UN-organized independence referendum. Also see here.

According to news reports, the head of the Special Operations Command Pacific recently went off the reservation in Indonesia. According to the Indonesian press, Rear Admiral Sean A Pybus pledged to TNI Commander General Djoko Santoso normalization of the U.S. relationship with with Indonesia's Kopassus special forces soon.

No so fast, the U.S. Embassy in Jakarta issued a statement clarifying 

that a recent Indonesian media report of an impending restoration of a cooperation between the US armed forces and Indonesian Army Special Forces (Kopassus) was false...The US Government is reviewing its policy on Kopassus but has not yet made a decision,” the press statement said.

Sign the petition opposing U.S.  cooperation with Kopassus